Against the Current, No. 196, September/October 2018
Where to Begin?
— The Editors
The White World and Black Reality
— Malik Miah
- Who Killed Marielle?
Worldwide "Moment of Madness"
— Gerd-Rainer Horn
European Communist Parties and '68
— Gerd-Rainer Horn
- Fascist Attack in Chile
- UPS Update
- Update on Syria
Syria's Disaster, and What's Next
— Joseph Daher
- Karl Marx at 200
Janus and My Ode to Capital
— Juliet Ucelli
Historical Subjects Lost and Found
— Cecilia A. Green
- Review Essay
Marx Turns 200: A Mixed Gift
— Rafael Bernabe
- Marx's Capital
On the "Transformation Problem"
— Barry Finger
— Fred Moseley
Marx, Engels and the National Question
— Peter Solenberger
- Revolutionary History
Nicolas Calas: The Trotskyist Time Forgot
— Alan Wald
Struggling for Justice
— Cheryl Higashida
The Power of Story, the Evidence of Experience
— Sarah D. Wald
An Unrepentant '68er's Life
— Keith Mann
- In Memoriam
Martha (Marty) Quinn, 1939-2018
— Patrick M. Quinn
Joel Kovel (1936-2018)
— DeeDee Halleck and Michael Steven Smith
MARIELLE FRANCO, A Rio de Janeiro city councilwoman, was shot to death in downtown Rio last March 14 but her assassination remains unsolved. Elected in 2016 after serving 10 years on Rio’s human rights commission, Franco was a black lesbian socialist from one of the city’s favelas. She was on her way home after participating in a meeting at the Black Women’s House on “Black Women Changing Power Structures.”
So far we know that the 13 bullets that were fired into her car, killing her and her driver, Anderson Gomes, came from ammunition issued to the federal police. Rio’s Homicide Division concluded that the shooters “knew what they were doing.” Witnesses identified two cars involved, again indicating a well-planned execution of a fierce critic of governmental repression.
As a member of Brazil’s Socialism and Freedom Party (PSOL*), Franco was at the heart of opposing police brutality and militarization. Four days before her murder, Marielle denounced the Military Police for their brutal action against the Acari favela, writing “This week, two young people were killed and thrown into a pit. Today, the police threatened the inhabitants. It has always happened but it got worse with the [military] intervention.”
When Michel Temer, who gained the country’s presidency through a parliamentary coup, ordered the military to assume control over security operations in response to supposed violence during Carnival, Franco spoke out. A little more than two weeks before her murder, she became head of a commission monitoring potential military abuses.
While it is still unclear which rightwing elements ordered her murder or for what action they decided to kill her, the fact is that she was a representative of the neighborhood that elected her. She not only identified the country’s social problems, she was an organizer and spokesperson. She connected the issues of race, class, gender and violence as they were experienced in her neighborhood and her country.
As Glenn Greenwald wrote, “What makes it difficult to determine exactly who killed Franco was precisely her bravery; she was a threat to so many violent, corrupt, and powerful factions that the list of possible suspects, with motives to want her dead, is a long one.”
The rightwing government that overthrew the PT president, Dilma Rousseff, in a parliamentary coup in 2016, is founded on rolling back previously won social gains and increasing represssion. But with demonstrations held in her neighborhood and around the world, those who thought they had silenced her and the struggle for social and democratic rights discovered that she and the struggle live on.
*PSOL emerged out of the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) in 2004. The PT was originally a radical left party which the Fourth International section in Brazil was instrumental in building. With the election of Lula da Silva in 2002, however, the party took a decisive turn to the right and began implementing a neoliberal program. A section of the party’s left-wing exited the PT. In an effort to create an anti-capitalist alternative to the PT, one group eventually founded PSOL. For a discussion of the PT’s political trajectory to power, see João Machado’s article “The Experience of Building the DS and PT, from 1979 to the first Lula government.”
September-October 2018, ATC 196