Against the Current, No. 83, November/
November 2000: Can We Do Better?
— The Editors
Puerto Rico: The Real Bombers
— César Ayala
Update: Mumia Abu-Jamal's Federal Appeal
— Steve Bloom
Organizing to Stop Police Brutality in Riverside, California: Organizing for Accountability
— interview with Chani Beeman
Big Three Win A Modular Future: Contract Hype and Reality
— Kim Moody
East Timor and Indonesia's Political Explosion
— Malik Miah and Emily Citkowski
Asia: Realities of "Recovery"
— Gerard Greenfield
Iran: Youth Protests and the Regime's Crisis
— an interview with Ali Javadi
The Rebel Girl: Whose Population Bomb?
— Catherine Sameh
Random Shots: Go And Do Likewise
— R.F. Kampfer
- Confronting the Sweatshop Industry
Student-Labor Activism Advances
— Eli Naduris-Weissman
USAS Makes Kathie Lee Cry Again
— Peter Romer-Friedman
- More on the Battles for Education
Claiming What is Ours
— Maria Cordero and Genevieve Gonzáles
The twLF Hunger Strike: A Critical View--On Tactics and a Broader Mission
— Jared Sexton and Frank B. Wilderson III
Education for Change: Henry Giroux and Transformative Critical Pedagogy
— Mark Hudson
- In Memoriam
Michael Sprinker (1950-1999)
— Alan Wald
interview with Chani Beeman
CHANI BEEMAN IS co-chair of the Riverside Coalition for Police Accountability, whose principles and mission statement can be found at their website (www.ucr. edu/ethnomus/rcpa/rcpa.html). A complete file of articles on the shooting of Tyisha Miller and subsequent coverup can be found on the website of the Riverside Press-Enterprise (www.inlandempire online.com/special-reports/tyishamiller). Dianne Feeley and David Finkel of the ATC editorial board interviewed Chani on September 28.
Against the Current: Please give the background for readers who may not be familiar with the police shooting of Tyisha Miller, a young African-American woman.
Chani Beeman: The shooting happened December 28, 1998. Tyisha Miller was in a locked car that was disabled at a gas station. She had been out with friends, one of whom had gone to get help from a family member just ten minutes away. Tyisha stayed with the car—this was about 2 am—and they had told the gas station folks that she would be out there.
Tyisha fell asleep in the car with the engine running, the radio on high volume, and a gun in her lap. When her family returned, they couldn’t wake her up, and called 911 because they were concerned about her. The car was locked.
The 911 dispatched police instead of an ambulance, which is standard procedure when a gun is involved. The first officer who showed up was, according to his report, “frightened.” He didn’t consult with Tyisha’s cousins at the scene, two young African-American women, but told them to stand to one side as he began banging on the window.
Over the next six and a half minutes three other officers arrived—the second about two minutes after the first, and the final one within about a minute before they shot and killed Tyisha. At one point she sat up and looked at her beeper before lying back down.
The officers said they devised a plan to break the window, reach in and get the gun. The first attempt didn’t work. On the second try, when the window broke, one officer reached in. Later he said that’s when he heard a shot. As we know now, this was probably one of the other officers shooting in response to the sound of the window breaking.
As the officer pulled back, they began shooting—between the four officers they shot twenty-five to thirty rounds, twelve of which struck Tyisha, killing her.
Now we come to the four officers’ supervisor, who had arrived early enough in pull them off their window-breaking plan, but didn’t. When asked why he hadn’t stopped what they were doing, he said he had thought it would demoralize them. So when they began shooting, he simply shouted at them to “watch out for crossfire.”
No one spoke to the family, who were standing to one side, and had already called for someone to bring a key. The officers just kept telling them to get away. According to family witnesses, right after the shooting the officers were high-fiving each other. They had also been using racial epithets like “black bitch” while trying to wake Tyisha up.
At this point the four officers left in the supervisor’s car—people think they went off in order to get their story straight. Their original account was that Tyisha had fired at them. Later it was revealed that the gun was broken and couldn’t be fired—then they changed the story to say they thought she had fired, that she had reached for the gun.
They all said they had seen this. But the coroner’s report stated that the gun had fallen and wasn’t reachable—probably it had been knocked to the floor when the first office reached in—so the feeling is that the whole story was an after-the-fact fabrication.
Urine samples from the officers were not taken until seven or eight hours later. It had been one of the officers’ birthday and they were out celebrating when the 911 call came in.(One officer couldn’t produce a urine sample, so his blood sample was taken.) But by the time the samples were sent to Sacramento, one container was empty.
The first media reports stated that one of the four officers was Latino. That description to be used by the media until mid-to-late January, when in fact the department knew none of the four were. When this fact became public, the police chief responded to questions by saying it wasn’t his job to correct misinformation.
Another officer arrived at the scene within a minute after the shooting: Rene Rodriguez, who is Puerto Rican. He was key to finding out what happened. He reported, first to the police department’s internal affairs and, when nothing was done, he eventually went public with the outrageous comments the police officers made after the shooting. The supervisor compared the crying of family members to “a Kwanzaa festival,” “Watts death wails” and “animals coming in by the busload.”
Internal police communications also show that a call went out afterward reporting HNI, which means “No Humans Involved.”
While Rodriguez reported these remarks back in February, when the police department handed in its findings to the county district attorney’s office, they didn’t include any information on these racist statements.
Once Rene Rodriguez’s report became known, the police department’s response was that the charges of racism were “so serious that we wanted to investigate thoroughly after we completed the Tyisha Miller investigation.”
Rene Rodriguez was then threatened and told he “wouldn’t be backed up.” He requested a transfer and was this was denied. Fearing for his life, Rodriguez hasn’t worked since March—he has been placed on unpaid administrative leave.
All four officers in the shooting, in contrast, were placed on paid administrative leave until mid-June, when they were finally dismissed. Their supervisor was back at work after two weeks. He too was eventually fired. Rodriguez’s allegations were found to be true—yet he remains on unpaid leave.
ATC: Who decides whether administrative leave is paid or unpaid?
CB: The police chief. There’s more to this story, too: This supervisor, named Gregory Preece was also Rene Rodriguez’s supervisor. When Rodriguez said he could not come back to work, Preece personally hand-delivered a return-to-work order to his house at 10 pm on a Saturday night.
Preece was also the supervisor of four police officers, two years ago, who picked up a Latino man who was drunk on the street. They beat him up and threw him into the lake, although the man made it clear to the officers that he couldn’t swim. Somehow he survived, and spent three months trying to tell his story. The officers were ultimately fired.
But Preece, with this very checkered history, had remained employed until Rodriguez’s allegations of racist statements were substantiated.
ATC: As we understand it there were police, county and state investigations . . .
CB: There is currently a federal investigation through the Department of Justice civil rights division on racist pattern and practices. An investigator is interviewing people in the community and reviewing what few statistics are available. Agents from the Department of Justice have attended community meetings on the case —in fact, it was the observations of one of them that led to the Justice Department investigation. The state of California hasn’t had a particularly high profile.
ATC: So what was the result of the county prosecutor’s investigation?
CB: The DA’s office said there was “no basis” for criminal charges against the police officers, that “mistakes were made” but not criminal conduct. That report came out in mid-May. Then the police department went through its administrative procedure and the police officers were dismissed, based on four findings of violating department policy—they had set up a situation that resulted in death or injury.
ATC: What was the community’s response to the shooting?
CB: After the shooting, there were several community meetings called by the NAACP, Urban League, and most of Riverside’s Black ministers. During these meetings there were several calls for the creation of a civilian review board. In mid-January a group of us went to the meeting of the Law Enforcement Policy Advisory Committee (LEPAC), a subcommittee of the city of Riverside’s Human Relations Commission.
We’d been told that LEPAC was Riverside’s police accountability mechanism. The Tyisha Miller shooting wasn’t even on their agenda. When we brought the case up during public comment, they said their role was only to “review policy.”
At the same time, members of the Miller family and Black clergy formed a Tyisha Miller Steering Committee, whose focus was on justice for Tyisha. Hence our focus became police accountability. We realized there had been other cases; in fact, the city just settled a lawsuit over police abuse resulting in a suspect’s death.
The Riverside Coalition for Police Accountability (RCPA) has an executive committee—effectively our working body—of fifteen to twenty members, several of whom have been appointed by their endorsing organizations.
The Coalition is racially mixed, and has a number of women in leadership roles. Although there’s less Latino than Black representation, there’s an endorsement from one major Latino organization. A group of Latino activists have begun organizing to provide support for Rene Rodriguez and is working closely with RCPA, which originally organized the support fund. This is seen as a very positive development.
ATC: What has the Tyisha Miller Steering Committee done?
CB: They were responsible for bringing in Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton for big protests, starting in late March and early April, very successful marches of maybe 1.000-2000 people. They continue to hold rallies each Monday morning in front of City Hall. These rallies attract forty to fifty people. The committee has worked closely with the state and federal investigators as well as having sent representatives to Washington to discuss the Miller case with Department of Justice staff.
Meanwhile, we got our Coalition going between January and April, developing our points of unity and a mission statement. In April we began opening up to larger meetings, attracting 75-100 people.
It was during that time that we started drafting what kind of Community Review Board we would want. We brought in as experts John Crew from the ACLU in San Francisco and Ilene Luna from the University of Arizona. Both have been extremely helpful in showing us what is the best kind of police accountability mechanism and politically how to work for it.
For every meeting we’ve had, the media has run articles both before and afterward.
The city council has been absolutely silent this whole time. The only official action was that the mayor, in late February, appointed a fifteen-person panel to explore the Riverside Police Department’s use-of-force policies. The appointees include some very good community people, “balanced” by establishment conservatives. The meetings were open to the public, but with no comment allowed from the floor; however, we are always present as observers.
We began to identify those panel members who sympathized with police accountability, trying to make contact with them. We were able to get John Crew and Ilene Luna on their list of presenters. Keep in mind that this panel was mandated to ”review policy”—we had to argue that police accountability was in fact closely related to use-of-force policy.
Our effectiveness in making contacts, combined with the city’s stonewalling, refusing to give the panel basic information that is readily available in other cities, made a big difference. The city’s behavior particularly angered Jack Clark, Jr., an attorney who is African American and who chairs the panel.
Just before the panel was supposed to start preparing its report, the Coalition’s two co-chairs, Ray Lewis and myself, were invited to address them. We wound up speaking with them for two and a half hours. The report they wrote couldn’t have been better—largely the work of Jack Clark, and was approved unanimously.
The report made ten recommendations, including calling for police accountability. It noted that Riverside already had police review, but that it was ineffective—as shown by the city’s refusal even to give the panel essential information. The report had a dramatic impact. In fact the panel decided not to disband but to remain active in order to monitor progress.
ATC: What were the major points you made in your presentation to the panel?
CB: Well, for one thing we talked about good government: We said the police department has a $45 million budget and that requires accountability. We also said that the community response to the Tyisha Miller shooting showed there was no community trust—and in fact, that the police response showed the need for community review. We focused on how police review supports good cops. Research showed that in the absence of accountability, bad cops control the department.
ATC: Do the settlements of police abuse lawsuits come from the police budget?
CB: No, they come from the city’s general fund.
ATC: That’s been changed in some places, for example in San Francisco. It comes right out of the police department budget. That financial accounting seems to have been effective in reducing abuse.
CB: That’s an excellent point. We need to explore it.
ATC: What’s Riverside’s racial composition, and is this reflected in the police force?
CB: The city is 7% African American and 13% Latino. I don’t have figures on Asians and Native Americans. The police force (350 sworn officers) doesn’t reflect the Black proportion of the population to nearly the same extent that it does Latinos; women are practically absent.
The panel report called for a stronger form of community review. In response the city council formed a City Council Committee on Police Review Policy. This committee includes three city council members, including the chair; five members from the LEPAC and the Human Rights Commission; five from the mayor’s use-of-force panel; and one each from the RCPA and the Police Officers Association.
This committee is supposed to research and investigate models of police review, and to submit a report to the city council the first week in January, recommending three to five options. Frankly, this is bullshit—there’s really only about five models of police review, period. This process is about getting them past the November elections.
The city fathers just hope that people will get tired of the issue and go back to sleep. Meanwhile, we’ve kept working on public education about the effective forms of police review. We expect the city council to come up with the weakest possible method to try and pass as police accountability.
Even through the summer the Coalition remained very active. We’ve held major educational events, including an “officers’ speakout” where Rene Rodriguez came and spoke with us. We got this set up through the state representative of the National Black Police Officers Association, which identified officers who had contacted them about racism within their departments.
This attracted a lot of attention, with the officers talking about what they encountered and the retaliation they suffered. We now have a Rene Rodriguez Support Fund—he teeters on loosing his house and is financially ruined. He can’t collect unemployment or find another job because he is still on unpaid leave.
Meanwhile the Police Officers Association continues to collect contributions by payroll deduction for the four fired policemen and their supervisor.
We also brought a speaker from the Police Complaint Center, the folks who uncovered racial profiling in Long Beach.
ATC: What are the elements of a strong police review process?
CB: Police review must be independent of the police department; it must have investigative and subpoena power; it must be adequately funded, in proportion to the size of the police budget. It must represent the diversity of the community. There are other elements as well—these are all available on our website.
ATC: Does this exist anywhere in practice?
CB: Yes, in San Francisco. Both San Diego County and Berkeley also have a review process, but the police just come in and take the Fifth Amendment. No one has been able to effectively challenge them. In California the “Police Officers’ Bill of Rights” is often held up as the big obstacle to police review. However, this bill of rights gives officers due process protection—not the right to operate in secrecy, or protection from accountability on the job. Officers can be compelled to testify and external review can happen. I think what is really happening in those areas is a failure of political will.
We also have a speakers’ bureau with ten trained people. They have a standard presentation. We get two or three requests per month, and it’s growing. Speaking before other groups is also a way of expanding our organizational endorsements—we currently have ten to fifteen.
ATC: What do you see as your strategic tasks between now and January?
CB: Our first priority is continuing community outreach. Second is participation in the city council committee, which I must say is not doing very well. The council member chairing it is very hostile to police review and makes public participation very difficult.
Routinely, Coalition members who come to observe outnumber the committee members present. We’re treating that committee the way we treated the mayoral use-of-force-policy panel, making contacts with individual members.
Third, we are continuing our plans to put together a ballot initiative for the November 2000 election.
Really, getting police review is only forty percent of our challenge. The other sixty percent is getting it to function and remain in place. People tend to think you get it and then walk away, that the problem is solved.
The RCPA recognizes that the struggle is an ongoing one. For its part, the city knows there will be police review—but the Coalition realizes it will require continual monitoring both from within and from outside. We’ve had that hammered into our heads from all the research we’ve done. As I say, it’s a matter of political will.
ATC: Would you say that this organizing has a politicizing impact on those involved?
CB: Through this campaign, two people from our Coalition have decided to run for city council, and a third is running for school board. Two are African-American women and one is a white male who was never politically active before.
Just last night, the news came down that Democratic Governor Gray Davis has vetoed the anti-racial profiling bill, which was in fact a very watered-down piece of legislation that merely required police to keep records of whom they were stopping.
People were in shock, asking how could he do this? Activists from the Greens and the Peace and Freedom Party had an explanation: Well, he’s a Democrat. It’s important that there are good activists to make those connections.
The Democratic Party is active in the Coalition, but it is split over the question of community review of the police. Clearly one of the Democrats on the council committee doesn’t want police review. But the discussion over the nature of the Democratic Party really opens up when Gray Davis vetoes that racial profiling bill, as whitewashed as it was.
ATC: Are the November elections you mentioned officially non-partisan?
CB: Yes—and all kinds of other issues are starting to come up. Last night, the woman running for school board talked about a grant that the board has received for a “Safe Schools/Healthy Students Initiative.” While other cities are using these grants for various after school programs, in Riverside it’s used to pay for police, guns and bullets in the schools—it’s incredible.
The Black community is outraged over the way the grant was designed. So the Coalition becomes a venue where people can discuss other aspects of racism in the city.
Let me mention one other revelation that shows how deep this question of police racism goes. The officer representing the Police Officers Association on the city council committee was actually under investigation himself for making racial comments. We demanded that he resign from the committee, and he did. It turns out that when he was employed by the Los Angeles Police Department he boasted of being the officer involved in the most shootings with “hits.”
But this individual is also the regional representative for an organization calling itself “Peace Officers for Christ International.” On their website (www. pofci.com) they talk about being “God’s wrath on earth.”
ATC: That’s real nazi stuff.
CB: Yes, and it seems to be a very entrenched part of our police departments.
ATC 83, November-December 1999
The Hands-Off California Initiative of 2012
The Constitution of the State of California shall be amended as follows:
No officer of the State shall lay hands on or otherwise restrain, assault, or detain a resident of California unless and until they are reasonably suspected of a crime or they are summoned or subpoenaed by the Court.
1. Crime means crime, not a violation of a city ordinance, or a traffic offense, or any misdemeanor. Felony is the only proper grounds for taking a Californian’s liberty.
2. Accordingly, detention is not distinguished from being under arrest.
3. Accordingly, routine traffic stops are abolished. Technology permits the automatic ticketing by license plate of non-felonious offenses. Only felonious violations are grounds for being stopped.
4. Accordingly, being stopped is being arrested, as if this weren’t obvious anyway. Being stopped has always been a pretext for unwarranted searching that the subject is utterly powerless to protest. Henceforth, the vehicle a Californian resides in shall be afforded the same civil protections as their home and their person, and shall not be searched or seized unless and until a felony is reasonably suspected, or by order of the Court.
5. The initiative as worded addresses only officers of the State of California, not officers of the United States. But the language could be changed to include them, such as by reducing “No officer of the State” to simply “No one”. This could lead to a legal showdown with the federal government.
6. The power of the court to summons for infractions and minor offenses should be considered, perhaps delineated in the amendment.
>>Send me any suggestions or discussion points you want considered. The wording of the Initiative Statement is not final yet.
>>Join the effort to put Hands-Off California on the 2012 ballot! Simply send me an email at firstname.lastname@example.org and I will send you further info.
>>Spread the word! Please send this email to everyone you know!
>>And remember, when the cops come around, don’t be afraid to say “Hands-Off!”
I just stumbled across your website. You are nothing more than cop haters. If you break a law and fit within a criminal profile, you should be stopped. I want my police force to have its hands free to be proactive and find criminals. Good luck with your cop hating policy. If you don’t like cops don’t call them the next time you need one. Figure it out yourself.
Mr Bill Lewis this is your idiot cousin bred from your same genes since we have the same mother. Yes that’s correct we are inbred. Listen carefully, you CANNOT just stumble across a website like it accidentally opened before you. Secondly, I believe, in the U.S. there is still in fact a diminutive amount (if any) of freedom of speech left. So regardless if many of us are “cop haters” as you so eloquently put it, that is still insignificant in the whole scheme of things. If you take your noggin outta your ahole and read the entire story and look at the facts. Facts meaning=something known to exist or to have happened; a truth known by actual experience or observation. And “stumble” yourself across some of the MANY many articles, investigations, and experiences of others that have endured such atrocities by our fabled, “proactive” community servants (the abusive sheriff’s dept) you will SEE there are plenty of stories to choose from and unfortunately they cannot ALL be “cop haters”.
Man after my own heart…..you told that coward good..thanks
There was a minor domestic incident at my home recently (no physical violence whatsoever), just a strong verbal altercation. I phoned RPD to ask for assistance to have my S/O removed from the home after he had been drinking and had been obstinate, angry and severely agitated. When RPD arrived (solo unit) (I will briefly describe the convo as i am in the process of filing an official lawsuit), he asked me “what do you want me to do about it”, myself and 3 friends who were there asked the office to just ask my S/O to leave for the night. He replied “how is he supposed to leave if you say he’s so drunk?” I said there are 5 of us here who can drive him to a motel AND pay for it, just to allow peace in the house for the night and let him sober up. I inquired about evicting him, and knew the laws regarding a 30 day eviction notice.
the officer replied to me “so you call me out here, waste the government’s time and money to help you run things in YOUR own house”? I said no, I was just asking for help to see if the police could ask him to leave. The officer said “why don’t you leave?” I said I have 2 minor children at home, and a pregnant step daughter on bed rest, and it would have been best to have one person leave rather than the household.
The officer berated me for several minutes before finally approaching the front screen door yelling for my S/O to come out. My S/O is no dummy, and he knew that he ws drunk and was NOT going to leave the house, not even set one foot outside, so he stood talking to the officer. The officer berated him, saying you are 40 years old, drunk at 5pm, acting beligerent etc. This continued for several moments and my S/O refused to leave. (There was NO backup called in) My neighbors (4 of them) also witnessed the entire scene. My S/O again refused to leave the entry way of our house, when the officer said “i’ve had enough of your b.s.” The officer pushed his way into my home, grabbed my S/O by the arm and attempted to drag him outside. When My s/o resisted, the bully club was brought out. My s/o was hit in the back, arms and head, and ultimately dragged from the house. Mind you, all of this happened within the confines of the house, not outside at all.
The officer struck my s/o several times with his billy club and used it as if it was a battering ram to push my s/o to the cruiser. He continued to argue with my s/o etc… I tried to approach the vehicle, because I knew my s/o had asked if he could please get his shoe back on. The officer began yelling at me, telling me to get the F away from the car or he would have me arrested for obstruction. It was at this time that the officer took myself and 4 of the witnesses towards the house and said “you know I did this on purpose. I purposely goaded and tried to antagonize him to get him to either hit me or assault me so I could get him in custody, no other police officer would have done this, so this was a favor for YOU”. I said but you didnt’ need to hurt him. He said “he’s an OX and strong, and I was afraid of him”
At this time the officer called for backup.
Once backup arrived he asked a few questions, and we informed him that could we please just take my s/o to a hotel for the night and let him sober up. He said no hes already in custody for “DRUNK IN PUBLIC” Ok first of all, my s/o was NOT in public! He was in his own home, It is not against the law to drink and get as drunk as you like in your own home.
He was taken to jail for 15 hours, booked etc. On the way to the station, the officer told him “I didn’t believe any of those people there, they all were lying and begging me to take you to jail, and if im ever called back here, i’ll make sure SHE gets HERS!” When they put hm in the cruiser, I started to cry as did my teenage son, the officer said “Oh NOW you cry” are those fake tears so you think i’ll feel sorry for you. No way lady. Get away from here or ill take you in as well.
As they were on their way to the jail, the officer told my s/o (after he looosened the cuffs), he said hey dont worry about it, i wont show up to court, so your case will be dropped, here’s my cell number, call me if you ever need me. I’ll help you get back at her”.
Where in the world do I go from here? I need some suggestions. Do we hire an attorney? My s/o is at the hospital now getting x rays and documentation of his injuries. Neighbors and friends have all agreed to come to court to testify about what the officer said/did.
I would really appreciate any suggestions.
Thank you all
wtf (AKA Bill Lewis), you seem like a very angry person. Police are paid to serve people who care for the cops, as well as those who hate the cops. Nevertheless, Riverside cops are racist, vengeful and retaliatory, and when Riverside citizens really need them, they don’t come anyway.
Sooo!!!! frustrating when something like that happens to one of your loved ones, and it can happen to anybody, it did happen to me, and I am still fighting and trying to find help for my son, he is diagnosed with schizophrenia, he has been on medication for over 13 years, last week he was stop by a cop when walking home late at night, from a friends house, and he said within seconds every police officer on this city was there, they used the stunt guns on him and hit him with their sticks and smashed his head on the floor with their foot, they took him to jail, instead of taking him to a hospital for a 5150 evaluation, now he is in jail without his medication with seven different charges and about to have a breakdown without his meds, I have been calling, emailing, and trying to find some help to have him evaluated by a psychiatrist, but haven’t been able to find any kind of help, this officers are hungry for blood, they do not have the right training to evaluate a criminal or a mentally ill person, I hope a cop can read this and think for a second on their own kids, and think of the pain they cause to the families of this people, they make us all victims, in my case is like they beat me up to, I keep having nightmares about the beatings and killings shown on videos, and can’t stop to think that could be my son, he was lucky to come out alive this time. This happened in Riverside County,
I am currently in court with Cathedral City Police — it is being covered up.
RE:Tyisha-I am a U.N.Peacekeeper and did have an undercover U.N.Vehicle near the area, I worked at the Police Chiefs wifes office-this evidence has already been submitted to intern.criminal court and Ihave received confirmation from ICC that they did receive many copies,as my family and I are Wright Brother relatives and also use military systems to acquire evidence for ICC.You may use this to email ICC to request actions to be taken or evidence to be reviewed by Prosicutors.Riv.Police had a man who was on a Army psych.discharge and was classified by Edwards MPs as a terrorist set my child’s hair on fire then kidnap her.
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